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Mussalmans had the most numerous qaums, as many as 13: Jat, Arain, Lohar, Ghumiar, Bar-wale, Mirasi, Teli, Nai, Mochi, Machhi, Syed and Kashmiri. Sikhs had five qaums: Jat, Ramgarhia, Khatri, Suniara and Mehra вЂ¦. At the time of Partition, in 1947, the distribution of people from different religions was as follows: Sikhs 52 per cent, Mussalmans 39 per cent, Christians 7 per cent and Hindus 2 per cent. Qaum Jat, qaum Zamindar, qaum Tarkhan, qaum Khatri, qaum Teli, qaum Mirasi and so on.

It was written in all official records and stamp papers. Qaum and zaat were one and the same thing. On page 34 he writes: вЂњPeople used to recognise each other on the basis of qaum. He wrote this fascinating book, which he calls the biography of his village, recollecting all the minute details of life in Chhotian Glotian as he left it in 1947. He went on to complete his higher studies in India and the US before embarking on a long career as a social scientist with the World Bank.

Babra, who was a part of the forced migration of 1947, came from a village called Chhotian Glotian, a few miles from Daska, district Sialkot, and was studying in a college at the time of Partition - which he calls the partition of Punjab. In order to understand the historical caste divisions in Punjab, I would like to refer to a book called Vichhore da Dagh (The burning wound of separation), by Shamsheer Singh Babra, published from Lahore in 2008. Mukhtaran herself, according to the minority judgment of the Supreme Court, was gang raped for her brotherвЂ™s caste crime. As a punishment, he was sodomised by a gang of people who were later convicted for the crime by the Court. Whether or not the allegation was true, one thing is certain: according to the campaigners, a personвЂ™s caste background is the actual determinant of his or her worth!ДЄ more gruesome and violent example is that of Mukhtaran Mai whose teenage brother (a Gujjar) made the mistake of crossing the caste boundary by befriending a woman of a high and dominant caste (Mastoi). Any number of examples could be found that demonstrate how caste prejudice plays a crucial role in informing individual and group attitudes: from the famous saying adorning the backs of our trucks and buses - Asl se khata nahin/kam, asl se wafa nahin (A high-born can do no wrong/while a person of low origin cannot be loyal) - to a recent whispering campaign vilifying a federal minister in which he was alleged to be from a Nai family. Our post-Partition Punjab politics has typically been the power politics between different biradris sharing a specific area.

Punjabi tribune epaper free#

To somehow conclude that Punjab - or any other part of the present Pakistan - has been free from caste divisions, prejudices, discriminations and politics is to affirm our national trend to deny historical and social reality.

They encompass the entire area of Pakistan in addition to the areas that are on the other side of our borders with post-Partition India. These terms are used for the entire northern subcontinent - the area above the Vindhya mountains - and, in the context of caste politics, this entire area has common characteristics that are distinct from the area that falls below the Vindhyas. The use of вЂNorth IndiaвЂ™ and вЂnorthern subcontinentвЂ™ as interchangeable terms in the pre-Partition context in my previous columns seems to have led some readers to conclude that the geographical area defined by these terms somehow does not include the present Pakistani province of Punjab.

Punjabi tribune epaper professional#

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